Sunday, March 11, 2018

JOHN CHUCKMAN COMMENT: THE REAL REASON FOR PUTIN'S "NEW WEAPONS" SPEECH - TO REACH THE PEOPLE WHO ACTUALLY MAKE U. S. DECISIONS - A PRIVILEGED GROUP INSULATED FROM ITS PEOPLE AND WHO KEEP ITS PEOPLE INSULATED FROM THE WORLD




COMMENT POSTED TO AN ARTICLE BY THE SAKER IN RUSSIA INSIDER


“Newly Revealed Russian Weapons Systems: Political Implications
“Putin's speech was the first step in bringing a sense of reality to a deeply delusional Empire”

Some essential facts dominate the Russian-American relationship.

One, Americans, as a whole, have never really experienced war. They think they have, just as they think they are the very bravest and best, but the facts say otherwise.

In WWII, America lost about 300,000 people, a number which was just a bit more than one-half of a percent of total losses in the war. Russia, in the form of the USSR, lost 27,000,000 people.

Now, every other aspect of the war was commensurate with those numbers. The US has never had anyone occupying any small portion of its territory. Russia had the entire Western part of the country occupied with all the devastation to a society you would expect – buildings destroyed, people starved, natural resources damaged, theft on a grand scale, and oppression.

Indeed, Russia, of course, experienced that occupation twice, once under Hitler and earlier under Napoleon. Even a far more modest third time if you count the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk which ended WWI for Russia.

War on your home territory is indeed a terribly harsh thing. The only time America experienced it was with its Civil War of the first half of the 1860s. And America still goes on sometimes about that experience in its books, movies, and politics. Yet it completely lacks the will or imagination to try understanding what war has meant to Russia.

Of course, total American losses in that war, rated as America’s greatest by far, were only about 600,000 people. I say “only” because when it comes to desperate war, most would regard such losses as slight. More people than that, nearly twice the number, died just in the terrible Siege of Leningrad.

All of America’s many wars – and when you have many wars, it automatically tells you something about the mindset of a people and their government – since WWII have been inflicted on others. They were indeed all essentially colonial wars serving to impose America’s will upon others, from Korea and Vietnam to Iraq and Afghanistan.

None of them represented a response to any real threat to the United States and none of them represented any real principle other than the principle of the world’s most powerful state telling others what to do and how to govern themselves, despite all the propaganda and slogans accompanying each one of them.

And none of them contributed much of anything to the understanding of Americans about war. America’s losses in Vietnam, for example – despite all the wailing and gnashing of teeth at the time - amounted to a pinprick in real war terms. And when the gnashing got bad, the Pentagon simply changed the way conscripts were taken and did a much more thorough job of controlling “the narrative” of the war, gaining practice in the kind of propaganda that now accompanies all of its unjust wars.

America lost nearly 60,000 while it was busy killing an estimated 3,000,000 Vietnamese and turning large parts of their country into an unbelievable hellhole of landmines, bomb craters, and residue of Agent Orange and other horrors. It also contributed decisively to the loss of more than 1,000,000 Cambodians.

So, when I see the images of Americans anguished at the Vietnam Memorial, while never doubting the personal anguish of the people photographed, I know that experience does not sink down into the fabric of American society and its political institutions. Otherwise, clearly, such wars would have stopped happening, but they have not stopped happening.

The horror of Syria – reflecting practices and experiences in Afghanistan, Libya, Somalia, and other places – is built on an entirely new approach to destroying others. There is minimal exposure of American troops – even though today they are highly-paid “professionals” and not citizen-soldier conscripts – other than in flying supersonic planes to bomb cities and places with virtually no modern defenses. The fighting on the ground in such imperial wars is done by mercenaries (in Syria) and by local groups whose grievances have been exploited (as in Afghanistan). All of it is smothered in disinformation and rivers of propaganda.

So, there is an unavoidable and vast gulf in understanding between these two countries concerning war. And America’s Deep State, the people who really make the war-and-peace decisions, are not much influenced by public views. The American public is pretty well kept poorly informed about the nature of many of these events.

It is also kept in a hyper-Patriotic state with all kinds of nonsense and manipulation. Just look at all the noise and attention about a few football players modestly exercising their supposed rights of free speech. You would think they were guilty of burning the flag and starting an insurrection on national television. America’s press works overtime to keep all such meaningless hype going, and they are greatly aided by a President today who is a genuine ignoramus.

There is a tremendous amount of news and public affairs programing in the United States. But all of it just represents variations on a theme, not genuine differences in point of view or interpretation. Thus, many Americans like to think they are well-informed. For example, the flagship paper of the American establishment – what has accurately been described as its official house organ, the New York Times - is a big publication, bristling with some entertaining and informed articles on a variety of matters. Those give it reputation and authority.

But on matters of state, all the intelligence and critical thinking disappears and a well-defined and quite predictable line is applied. So, we have what seems to be an expert and critical publication, in fact, serving as attractive packaging for narrow official views and disinformation when it comes to matters of state and world affairs.

Just the single example of the fact that the New York Times passes all of its articles concerning Israel over the official Israeli censor before publishing, a fact it long hid, tells you everything you need to know about the paper’s journalistic integrity. All of the major American media – press and broadcasting – function that same way when it comes to the things that really matter for public understanding of crucial issues.

All the recent resentments in Washington over Russian media reflect precisely the reaction of the Deep State – or the establishment, whatever term you wish to use for the people who really run America – over even the possibility of an alternative story being offered to the long force-fed American public. That doesn’t automatically make Russian media either more or less “true,” it just means there is fury over anyone’s even daring to try telling a story from another point of view.

And the American press’s approach to important affairs is exactly matched by the two political parties. They could be described as two branches of a single American imperial party. There are differences on domestic social matters that keep people thinking they have choice and keep plenty of noise going.

But on the life-and-death matters of wars and terror and coups and even the American political process, they are identical. Imagine calling a choice between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump a real political choice if you care one bit about America’s obscene series of wars in the Middle East or its behavior towards Russia and China? Or its careless disregard for countless millions with its induced coups and interference in the affairs of others? Or its sinking to the lowest morality possible with its giant systematic extrajudicial-killing operation? Or its virtual complete destruction of individual privacy and rights inside America, areas where the domestic has a bearing on the international?

No, that’s why the American establishment is insulated from its own people to a great extent and enjoys great freedom of action in terrible matters. And that’s precisely why Putin had to make the dramatic speech that he did concerning Russia’s defenses.

His words were partly predicated on the real threat the American establishment is at least studying the possibilities of direct intervention in Russia (as it has on a number of occasions in the past), a threat which is given great additional force by all the aggressive wars and coups we’ve seen from America n the last two decades.  He had to cut through all the thick cotton wadding in which America society is wrapped and reach the people making decisions, its establishment. And he succeeded.